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The Rise of Organized Crime
 Governor Brendan Byrne holds bill he had just signed authorizing casino licensing to crowd on Atlantic City boardwalk.
The Casino Era: Brendan Byrne’s "War" on the Mob By the 1960s, Atlantic City was in urban decay. The 1964 Democratic National Convention held in the City exposed the decline of its hotels and attractions to a national audience of government and business leaders through unflattering media coverage. In 1976, New Jersey voters approved a referendum to legalize casino gambling to revitalize the city. Governor Brendan Byrne, acutely aware of the city’s history, famously warned organized crime during the 1977 signing of the Casino Control Act: "Keep your filthy hands off Atlantic City. Keep the hell out of our state!" To enforce this, Byrne established the Casino Control Commission and the Division of Gaming Enforcement. These agencies were given unprecedented powers to investigate the background of every casino owner, investor, and even low-level employee. These regulations successfully blocked criminal ownership of or affiliation with the casinos--indeed rejecting a casino license for Hilton Hotels on the basis of its past retention in Las Vegas of a mob-affiliated attorney. Despite the success in keeping operation of the casino-hotels free from crime control, organized crime shifted its focus to the edges of the industry through infiltration of labor unions and construction firms.
Organized Crime in New Jersey
Major Mob-Based Killings in New Jersey New Jersey was the stage for several of organized crime’s most infamous assassinations—hits that reshaped alliances and enforced the rules of the Commission. Dutch Schultz (October 23, 1935) Born Arthur Flegenheimer, the Bronx-born “Beer Baron” built a violent bootlegging and numbers racket empire. By the mid-1930s, Special Prosecutor Thomas E. Dewey was closing in. Schultz proposed assassinating Dewey—an idea so reckless it threatened to bring federal heat down on the entire Syndicate. The Commission (including Luciano and Lansky) voted for his elimination instead. On the evening of October 23, 1935, Schultz and three associates were eating at the Palace Chop House in Newark when two Murder, Inc. gunmen—Charles “The Bug” Workman and Emmanuel “Mendy” Weiss—burst in. Schultz was shot in the bathroom; his bodyguard, accountant, and lieutenant were also gunned down. Schultz lingered for roughly 24 hours, deliriously rambling to police in one of the most bizarre deathbed monologues in mob history. He died on October 24, 1935, at Newark City Hospital. Other notable New Jersey hits include intra-family killings within the DeCavalcante organization (such as the 1960 slaying of Alphonse “Zeeny” Colicchio) and contract murders tied to the Genovese and Lucchese factions operating across the Hudson. These assassinations reinforced the Commission’s authority and eliminated threats from informants or erratic members. The Italian-American Mafia Families in New Jersey The DeCavalcante Crime Family (also known as the North Jersey or Elizabeth family) was the only truly independent Mafia family based entirely in New Jersey. Founded in the 1930s and led for decades by Simone “Sam the Plumber” DeCavalcante, it controlled rackets in Elizabeth, Newark, and surrounding areas. Later bosses like John Riggi and Charles “Big Ears” Majuri oversaw gambling, loansharking, and construction extortion. The family gained pop-culture fame as a loose inspiration for The Sopranos. FBI infiltration in the late 1990s–early 2000s—via informants and undercover agents—led to mass arrests and decimated its hierarchy. As of 2025–2026, the family remains active but severely weakened, with Majuri reportedly transitioning leadership to Domenico “Mimmo” Marzullo. New York’s Genovese, Gambino, and Lucchese families maintained powerful crews in New Jersey, especially along the waterfront, in construction, and in unions. Figures like Anthony “Tony Pro” Provenzano (Genovese) and the late “Little Nicky” Scarfo’s Philadelphia mob influence extended into South Jersey casinos. FBI Investigations and Wiretaps in Essex County: The DeCarlo Tapes and Brendan Byrne Essex County, and Newark in particular, became a primary battleground in the FBI’s war against organized crime during the early 1960s. Federal agents conducted one of their most productive electronic surveillance operations in New Jersey history, planting hidden microphones and wiretaps on high-ranking mob figures—most notably Angelo “Gyp” DeCarlo (also known as “Ray”), a powerful caporegime in the Genovese crime family who ran major loansharking, gambling, and extortion rackets in the area, often in coordination with the Boiardo crew and DeCavalcante associates. The surveillance, centered at DeCarlo’s favorite hangout known as “The Barn” (a social club on Route 22 in Mountainside), ran roughly from 1961 to 1965 and generated thousands of pages of transcripts. These recordings exposed the mob’s daily operations, systematic corruption of public officials, and candid discussions of violence and rackets. A particularly explosive revelation involved then-Essex County Prosecutor Brendan T. Byrne (who served 1959–1968). In multiple conversations, DeCarlo and other mobsters openly complained that Byrne was incorruptible—unlike so many other New Jersey politicians and lawmen they had successfully compromised. DeCarlo reportedly referred to Byrne as a “Boy Scout” and lamented that he was “the man who couldn’t be bought.” When portions of the transcripts were released publicly around 1970 in connection with federal prosecutions (including DeCarlo’s own extortion trial), the comments made front-page headlines. At a time when major corruption scandals were shaking the state—including the eventual conviction of Newark Mayor Hugh Addonizio for extortion tied to organized crime—the mob’s own words transformed Byrne into a symbol of integrity. Byrne leveraged the publicity when he resigned from the Superior Court bench to run for governor in 1973. Campaigning as “The Man the Mob Couldn’t Buy,” he won in a landslide. As governor (1974–1982), Byrne continued his aggressive stance against organized crime while signing the legislation that legalized casino gambling in Atlantic City—famously warning the mob to “keep your filthy hands off” the industry. These landmark wiretaps not only crippled key mob operations in Essex County but also helped shift public and political momentum toward stronger anti-corruption measures across New Jersey. The Modern Era and DeclineFederal RICO prosecutions in the 1980s–2000s, combined with legalized gambling and the loss of traditional income streams, gutted the old guard. High-profile cases included the 1969 conviction of Newark Mayor Hugh Addonizio for extortion tied to mob influence and the ABSCAM scandal. Today, remaining activity centers on illegal sports betting, fraud, and occasional extortion—though 2025 arrests involving Lucchese associates in sophisticated gambling rings show the game isn’t entirely over. The Modern Era and DeclineFederal RICO prosecutions in the 1980s–2000s, combined with legalized gambling and the loss of traditional income streams, gutted the old guard. High-profile cases included the 1969 conviction of Newark Mayor Hugh Addonizio for extortion tied to mob influence and the ABSCAM scandal. Today, remaining activity centers on illegal sports betting, fraud, and occasional extortion—though 2025 arrests involving Lucchese associates in sophisticated gambling rings show the game isn’t entirely over. LegacyNew Jersey’s organized-crime past is woven into the state’s identity—part cautionary tale, part colorful history. From Nucky Johnson’s Boardwalk empire to the blood-stained floors of Newark restaurants, these stories remind us how deeply crime once permeated politics, business, and daily life. While the mob’s golden age has passed, the lessons of vigilance against corruption endure.
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Atlantic County: From Kuehnle to Johnson The persistent corruption in Atlantic County is often attributed to its unique geography and economy., with the city relies on a massive influx of "outside" money from tourism to keep taxes low on local residents and businesses. The political machine was first established under Louis "the Commodore" Kuehnle, a hotel owner, in the early 1900s, followed by the more flamboyant Enoch "Nucky" Johnson. Johnson, who effectively controlled Atlantic City from the 1910s through 1941. In 1909, Johnson was appointed to the politically important position of Atlantic County Republican Executive committee secretary, but in 1911, New Jersey Governor Woodrow Wilson led an effort to combat corruption and rackets in Atlantic City. Wilson's reform prosecutions resulted in indictments of more than 100, including Johnson, who had succeeded his father as Atlantic County sheriff, and the then-boss Louis Kuehnle. Kuehnle was convicted and imprisoned, but Johnson was acquitted, allowing him to succeed Kuehnle as leader of the same organization, which effectively controlled the Republican-led Atlantic City and Atlantic County governments. Johnson maintained power through traditional patronage which also was augmented by profiting from illegal gambling, prostitution, and kickbacks from businesses and public employees. In 1909, Johnson was appointed to the politically important position of Atlantic County Republican Executive committee secretary He was famously quoted as boastng: "We have whiskey, wine, women, song and slot machines. I won't deny it and I won't apologize for it. If the majority of the people didn't want them they wouldn't be profitable and they would not exist." His reign made Atlantic City a wide-open resort town and later inspired the book and HBO series Boardwalk Empire. Johnson’s philosophy was outlined in his well-known quote: "We have whiskey, wine, women, song, and slot machines. I won't apologize for it." Johnson’s most significant contribution to American criminal history was hosting the Atlantic City Conference in May 1929. This was the first organized "summit" of its kind, marking the transition from chaotic gang warfare to a national "syndicate" model. Nucky Johnson served as the ultimate host, arranging for entire floors of the Ritz-Carlton and Ambassador Hotels. He ensured that the local police stayed away, allowing the nation’s most wanted men to walk the Boardwalk freely. Al Capone arrived fresh from the violence of the St. Valentine's Day Massacre. The conference was, in part, a "peace summit" to rein in Capone’s high-profile violence, which was drawing too much federal heat to the bootlegging business. Alongside figures like Meyer Lansky, Lucky Luciano, and Frank Costello, the leaders discussed ending territorial wars. They moved toward a corporate-style structure, effectively laying the groundwork for what would become the National Crime Syndicate. Legend has it that Nucky and Capone were seen strolling the Boardwalk together—a visual testament to the "open city" status Atlantic City enjoyed under Johnson’s protection. Media Portrayals and Public Perception
HBO’s The Sopranos (1999–2007) and Boardwalk Empire (2010–2014) dramatically reshaped how the world sees New Jersey and its organized-crime history. Created by New Jersey native David Chase, The Sopranos portrayed suburban mob life through Tony Soprano, drawing heavily from the real DeCavalcante family and Newark’s Boiardo crew. The series humanized flawed mobsters, made North Jersey filming locations (Holsten’s, Satriale’s, Bada Bing) tourist attractions, and turned “Jersey” stereotypes into cultural capital—while drawing criticism for reinforcing Italian-American mob clichés. The 2021 prequel The Many Saints of Newark extended the saga. Boardwalk Empire dramatized Prohibition-era Atlantic City and a fictionalized Nucky Johnson, highlighting the 1929 Atlantic City Conference and the birth of the National Crime Syndicate. Though mostly filmed elsewhere, it boosted Boardwalk tourism and reminded audiences of New Jersey’s foundational role in American organized crime. Together, these shows glamorized and preserved the state’s criminal lore at a time when real mob influence was fading. They educated millions about actual events while creating a feedback loop of fascination, pride, and enduring stereotypes of corruption and tackiness. The modern era’s most significant crackdown occurred in the mid-2000s, proving that the old machine remained alive in the City Council. In a federal sting, three City Council members--including Council President Craig Callaway--were sent to prison. The charges involved a scheme of bribery and extortion in which Callaway and his associates were involved in a plot to blackmail a fellow councilman by filming him with a sex worker at a local motel to influence a political vote.
The government's complaint charges the Scarfo mob killed two union officials to maintain control of Local 54: Joseph 'Joey' McGreal, president of Hotel and Restaurant Workers Local 170 on Christmas 1973, and Roofers Union Local 30 President John McCullough in December 1980.
During the mid-20th century, New Jersey's criminal underworld was defined by a complex alliance between Jewish and Italian syndicates. While
Abner "Longie" Zwillman was the most visible figure, several other key mobsters shaped the era through political corruption, massive gambling rings, and ruthless enforcement. . Guarino "Willie" Moretti (1894–1951) Moretti was the iron-fisted underboss of the Luciano (later Genovese) family and a close ally of Zwillman.
Gerardo "Jerry" Catena (1902–2000) If Zwillman was the politician and Moretti was the muscle, Catena was the businessman. He rose from being Zwillman's driver to becoming one of the wealthiest mobsters in U.S. history. Strategic Architect:
Ruggiero "Richie the Boot" Boiardo (1890–1984) Boiardo was the flamboyant rival to Zwillman, dominating Newark’s First Ward while Zwillman contr
Abner "Longie" Zwillman
(1904–1959) was a prominent Jewish-American mobster known as the "Al Capone of New Jersey". Meyer Lansky, Lucky Luciano, and Frank Costello. Meyer Lansky, Lucky Luciano, and Frank Costello.". A central figure in the National Crime Syndicate, he controlled a vast empire of both legal and illegal businesses centered in Newark and North Jersey from Prohibition through the late 1950s. Zwillman began his career as a delivery boy for illegal liquor during Prohibition and eventually controlled an estimated 40% of all liquor smuggled into the U.S..
On February 26, 1959, Zwillman was found dead in the basement of his 20-room mansion in West Orange, New Jersey. He was 54 years old.
Mid-Century: Newark, the Mob, and Hugh Addonizio (1940s–1970s) Post-Prohibition, New Jersey's proximity to New York City made it a hub for organized crime. The Genovese and DeCavalcante families dominated North Jersey; the Bruno-Scarfo family controlled South Jersey. Newark's 1967 riots exposed systematic corruption in the city's police department. Mayor Hugh Addonizio was convicted in 1970 of extorting kickbacks from city contractors-- receiving a 10-year federal sentence while still in office. A 1970 state commission found that Newark police had been systematically bribed by numbers runners and criminal enterprises for years ABSCAM: Congress on Camera (1978–1980) The FBI's ABSCAM sting operation-- using a fictitious Arab sheik-- produced New Jersey's most embarrassing federal corruption case of the 20th century. Undercover agents recorded public officials accepting cash bribes on videotape. New Jersey's casualties included U.S. Senator Harrison Williams (D-NJ), convicted of bribery and conspiracy in 1981 and sentenced to three years in prison-- the first sitting U.S. senator convicted of a crime in decades. Three New Jersey congressmen were also convicted, including Frank Thompson and Angelo Errichetti, who was simultaneously mayor of Camden. By the late 1920s, Newark was a city divided by invisible borders.
The rivalry peaked in 1930 as Prohibition reached its violent crescendo. Zwillman’s Jewish syndicate and Boiardo’s Italian crew were constantly stepping on each other's toes regarding distribution routes and local protection rackets.
Recognizing that the Newark conflict could destabilize the entire East Coast syndicate, Lucky Luciano and Meyer Lansky stepped in.
The Cahill Administration and the Call for Reform
The New Jersey State Commission of Investigation was established in 1968 (becoming operational in 1969) as a direct response to rising concerns about the infiltration of organized crime into the state government. In the early 1970s, Governor William T. Cahill’s administration was impacted by a series of scandals that undermined public trust, which coincidentally occurred during the time that trust in public officials throughout the nation was undercut by the federal Watergate scandal during the Nixon Administration. Alhough Cahill himself, a former FBI agent, was never personally implicated, the scandals led to his defeat in the 1973 Republican primary by the more conservative Charles Sandman. Sandman was defeated by Brendan Byrne, a Superior Court judge and former Essex County prosecutor who campaigned as the "man who couldn't be bought" derived from wiretapped phone calls of organized crime figures who cited Byrne as immune from any attempts targeting him for bribery. . Key figures close to Cahill were convicted of corruption, including Secretary of State Paul Sherwin ,imprisoned for fixing a $600,000 state highway contract in exchange for a $10,000 kickback. Former Republican State Chairman Nelson G. Gross coonvicted of falsifying campaign contribution reports Joseph McCrane were charged with orchestrating an income tax fraud conspiracy involving illegal campaign donations. The New Jersey State Commission of Investigation (SCI) was established in 1968 (becoming operational in 1969) as a direct response to rising concerns about the infiltration of organized crime into the state government.The SCI was granted sweeping investigative powers, including the authority to probe unlawful political influence. Its creation was accelerated after an assistant attorney general, William J. Brennan III, (son of US Supreme Court Justice William Brennan Jr.) testified that several sitting state legislators were "entirely too comfortable with organized crime". Teamsters Union Influence and David Friedland While the state attempted to regulate the casinos, organized crime maintained a firm grip on labor and finance through the Teamsters Union. David Friedland, a powerful Hudson County state senator. As general counsel to the Teamsters Local 701 Pension Fund, Friedland orchestrated a kickback scheme arranging loans from the union’s pension fund leading to his 1980 conviction for taking a $360,000 bribe in exchange for arranging a loan.After his conviction, Friedland achieved national notoriety by faking his own death in a 1985 scuba diving accident in the Bahamas to avoid prison. He was eventually captured two years later in the Maldive Islands, where he had been living an opulent lifestyle while still under federal indictment. Friedland also was reportedly linked to mob figures like Joseph "Bayonne Joe" Zicarelli and Tony Pro (Anthony Provenzano), acting as a middleman for usurious loans and political favors. This culture of labor racketeering and pension fund exploitation created a "shadow government" that Brendan Byrne’s administration fought to dismantle before the first casino doors could open in Atlantic City. Prohibition and Organized Crime
The Prohibition era (1920-1933) strengthened ties between political machines and organized crime. New Jersey's defiance of Prohibition, particularly in Atlantic City under Johnson and in Newark and Jersey City, allowed bootlegging operations to flourish with political protection. These relationships laid groundwork for organized crime's continued influence in the state through the mid-20th century. Genovese crime family
The Genovese crime family maintains a formidable and sophisticated presence in New Jersey, where it is often cited by law enforcement as the most powerful and active organized crime group in the state. Unlike other "Five Families" that may have shifted toward lower-level street crimes, the Genovese New Jersey faction has preserved a high level of influence in lucrative white-collar rackets, specifically labor racketeering, commercial construction, and waterfront operations. The family's New Jersey activities are centered in northern and central counties, including Hudson, Essex, Union, Bergen, and Passaic.
The New Jersey faction is divided into several crews, each led by a caporegime (captain). While many long-time leaders have recently passed away or been imprisoned, the family’s stability is attributed to its strict adherence to omertà (a code of silence). Historical Figures: Key leaders who built the New Jersey faction include Guarino "Willie" Moretti,
On April 26 of 1979
Anthony 'Little Pussy' Russo, the mob boss of Monmouth County, is shot and killed in Long Branch. Russo was home on an Easter furlough from state prison and shot in the head in a room at a Long Branch hotel. No one is ever charged for the murder, but the FBI believed that the hit was by others in the Genovese crime family to prevent Russo possibly testifying about the mob to a grand jury. Progressive Era Reforms
The early 20th century brought reform efforts. Woodrow Wilson, elected governor in 1910, campaigned against corporate influence and political bosses, pushing through progressive reforms including direct primaries, workers' compensation, and public utility regulation. However, many machines, particularly Hague's, survived these reforms and continued wielding power for decades. |